Image of a crowd of disabled activists sitting around a woman speaking during the longest occupation of a government building in US history..
Image of a newspaper clipping. The headline reads "Sit-in ends in jubilation." Beneath it, another headline reads "Wheelchairs 1, bureaucrats 0."

Book Project

Governing Disability: The Politics of Classification and Dis/Abled Citizenship

Michel Foucault once asked: “Is it surprising that prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons?” From institutionalization and mass incarceration to segregated education settings and welfare surveillance, disabled people are frequent targets of state control.

Within this context, "disabled citizenship" emerged from binary legal categories that are not biologically-determined but rather socially constructed. These categories often result in limited access to social resources and support systems. However, the provision of services for disabled individuals comes at a cost—a Faustian bargain. Service users and consumers find themselves ensnared in a web of coercion, surveillance, and biopolitical control.

In legal encounters, medical professionals' testimonies take precedence over the expressed preferences and interests of disabled individuals. This privileged position of medical professionals plays a crucial role in determining who is considered "disabled" and in shaping treatment plans for those deemed "incompetent." This work aims to shed light on the structural epistemic injustices embedded within the framework of disability law.

The central objective of this book is to analyze how the law contributes to these epistemic injustices and their profound effects on what we term "disabled citizenship." By doing so, it seeks to identify key contingencies in the political development of disability categories and uncover possibilities for creating more inclusive and accessible futures.

Other Projects

Who Counts?: The Politics of Classification, the Americans with Disabilities Act, and the Future of Civil Rights Law

A set of works-in-progress consider Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) jurisprudence in the context of current literature on the Americans with Disabilities Act Amendments Act of 2008 (ADAAA). Recent scholarship by Porter and others has found that even after the ADAAA attempted to broaden the scope of the ADA, which was interpreted narrowly by courts, plaintiffs seeking the ADA’s protections still fare poorly in federal courts. My work explores why this may be the case. “In Counting the ‘Legions of People with Correctable Disabilities’: Disability Politics and Data at the Supreme Court,” I survey federal data collection on disability and when this data gets cited in Supreme Court cases. Most federal data on disability is produced for the Current Population Survey (CPS), which looks only at certain functional impairments and aligns closely with the Social Security Administration’s (SSA’s) understanding of disability. Relying on this data in a civil rights context skews interpretations of disability toward a welfarist bent. Echoing the insights of political scientist Harlan Hahn, I argue that federal disability data has political consequences that must be reconsidered. As part of this broader project, I also plan to produce papers that develop the concept of the “disability con” and that use qualitative methods like Bayesian process tracing to explain why disabled plaintiffs lose in federal court with greater frequency than other classes of civil rights plaintiffs.

Reproductive Rights, Federalism & Disability

I study how federalism creates inequalities for people with disabilities based on what political scientists call a “politics of place.” The laws that define citizenship are pluralistic. People’s rights are sometimes determined at the state or local level, rather than the federal level; however, political scientists have noted that when devolution of authority is uneven, it can create inequalities in citizenship rights by giving some people federal rights and denying them to others. I suggest that reproductive rights are an example of what Mettler calls “divided citizenship.”

Specifically, Dobbs has led to a “post-code lottery” in reproductive care, wherein access to care and rights to care are contingent on where one lives. However, I argue that the impact has disproportionately fallen on people with disabilities. I suggest that disabled people are subjected to higher reproductive control under state law than non-disabled people via regimes like guardianship that are not subject to federal jurisdiction. I also suggest that state Medicaid rules create differentiated access to care, creating inequalities between disabled people, who are statistically more likely to be Medicaid beneficiaries. In “Disability and Equitable Lived Citizenships: Building a More Inclusive Reproductive Politics in the Aftermath of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization,” Maeve Keeley-Mehrad and I use these examples to argue that Dobbs diminished abortion access for disabled people while leaving many of these unequal structures in place. In a second paper, “Quantifying a ‘Mass Disabling Event’: Federal Health Data and Reproductive Justice,” I consider the ways in federalism affects the collection of health data, making underreporting of maternal mortality and disability among Black pregnant people more likely, as well as potential solutions. I argue that Dobbs constitutes a mass disabling event and consider whether and how data on disability caused by state violence can be collected in a way that is consistent with a civil rights framework that emphasizes disability as a social construct.

The Section 504 Trainings

One article-in-progress, coauthored with legal historian Karen Tani, considers the co-production of law and citizenship at an important moment in the history of the administrative state. In “‘This is Our Law’: Delegated Governance and Disabled Citizenship at the End of the New Deal Order,” we examine governmentally funded trainings that were administered by disability advocacy organizations and run by disabled trainers after the passage of Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. Section 504 was the first civil rights statute for people with disabilities, and after the passage of the regulations, the government funded national trainings by disability rights organizations aimed at educating people about their rights under the new law. We argue that these trainings are properly understood as “delegated governance,” which political scientists define as private actors taking on governing functions. Drawing from the insights of legal historians, as well as theories about bureaucratic political development by political scientists, we consider the significance of these trainings using archival material from the Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund (DREDF). Specifically, we suggest that organizations, with little oversight from HEW, were able to materially shape how the new regulations were implemented by instructing trainees that they could directly negotiate their needs with government agencies. This “rights-bearing mindset,” as it was called de-centered courts as the site where the 504 regulations were given substance and instilled a sense of ownership in disabled trainees. Trainees left with the impression that this was their law. Although the expectation of citizen enforcement created its own exclusions, the 504 Trainings are an example of civil rights enforcement outside of the federal courts and the “litigation state,” as traditionally construed.

Civil Procedure & Civil Rights

My student comment, “Class Dismissed: The Dangers of Applying Ascertainability Requirements to Rule 23(b)(2) Class Actions,” argued that an emergent practice of imposing administrative feasibility requirements on civil rights class actions seeking injunctive relief is doctrinally incoherent since injunctive relief necessarily involves future plaintiffs who cannot be ascertained. Procedure can unduly affect people’s ability to seek substantive relief for civil rights violations—and therefore undermine their citizenship rights. Class certification requirements are one area, as Suzette Malveaux and others have argued, where such requirements are particularly onerous for civil rights plaintiffs—to great consequence.

I plan to continue this work in a series of follow-up papers on class certification procedure. Currently, I am working on a standalone paper that considers the ways in which heightened standards for commonality, typicality, and ascertainability have affected plaintiffs seeking to leave institutional settings under Title II of the ADA, which is interpreted to mean that unjustified segregation of people with disabilities is discriminatory. Many courts that apply administrative feasibility requirements in the civil rights context do so in deinstitutionalization suits. This is troubling precisely because the variable nature of people’s mental states and conditions (which is what concerns judges). People’s qualification for community care is necessarily not ascertainable in advance. Moreover, institutionalized persons are among some of the least resourced persons in the legal system, meaning class actions are particularly important to them. Additionally, I can foresee typicality and commonality being issues for classes of institutionalized people for similar reasons—while the plaintiffs have common legal claims, they may vary significantly in their diagnoses and other factors affecting their claims. Courts may therefore be hesitant to grant class certification under more rigid standards for class certification.

Publications

  • Forthcoming in Nebraska Law Review. Current version is on SSRN.

  • Mitchell Hamline Law Journal of Public Policy & Practice (2022)

    To be reprinted by the UCLA Disability Law Journal in 2023.

  • Temple Law Review (2021)

  • Res Philosophica (2016)

  • Laws structure people’s “lived citizenships.” This paper considers the ways in which Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization gave states the power to regulate reproduction in ways that have disproportionate consequences for pregnant people with disabilities. Specifically, Dobbs did not eliminate the right to bodily integrity, but rather put conditions on who can claim a right to bodily integrity in federal courts. Moreover, uneven changes to Medicaid financing of abortions have created a “postcode lottery.” People’s ability to receive care is determined by a politics of place—or even individual providers. These policies create structural inequalities.

  • This Paper considers the laws surrounding reproductive federalism, as well as how they are being implemented, to consider the implications of heightened reproductive federalism for citizenship and access to care for people with disabilities.

Public Scholarship